Handguns control

With the assistance of Handgun Control, Inc., Kenzo s parents, Griffin and Lynn Dix, filed suit against Beretta, charging that the gun was defectively... 

Sarah later join Handgun Control, Inc., to lobby for effective handgun control legislation. 

California voters defeat Proposition 15, which would have imposed strict handgun controls, including registration and a freeze on the total number of guns available. 

June 14 Handgun Control, Inc., changes its name to the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence. A related group, the Center to Prevent Handgun Violence, is renamed the Brady Center to Prevent Gun Violence. 

James Brady Felled by a Bullet Intended for Ronald Reagan, He Inspired the First Federal Handgun-Control Law. People Weekly, March 15, 1999, p. 106. Profiles James Brady, who fought his way to recovery from severe injury at the hands of an assassin to join his wife, Sarah, in a successful campaign for federal handgun control. 

In the late 19th century successive waves of immigrants flooded into U.S. cities from Italy, Ireland, Germany, and other countries. The neighborhoods in which they settled were often perceived to be crime ridden, and an increasing number of gun control measures were passed in response. Finally, in 1911, New York State enacted the Sullivan Law, which was the first state law that created a strict permit system for handgun ownership. 

Thus by the early 20th century, guns remained in widespread use (particularly rifles and shotguns in rural areas). Gun control in some form existed on a state and local level in many areas. But as with many other laws, gun laws were often enforced against the poor and persons perceived to be criminally inclined, while established citizens could carry a concealed handgun with the blessing of the local sheriff or police chief. 

Gun rights advocates questioned whether these tight new laws would actually have any effect on crime. Gun control advocates endorsed a 1969 report by the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence, which had undertaken a massive study of the conditions that had led to urban riots and other violence during the preceding decade. The commission s report recommended national regulation of handguns and. 

Gun rights advocates, however, see such efforts as an attempt to stretch reasonable concepts of liability into a form of backdoor gun control, in effect obtaining through the courts what they could not obtain through political means. They argue that if such suits are widely successful, gun manufacturers may be forced out of business, or at least forced to market only expensive handguns, affordable only by the well-off and by criminals. Thus, in a law journal article, Philip D. Oliver warns that... 

In the Georgia case of Nunn v. State, the court says that the state can use its police power to ban some kinds of weapons (such as concealable handguns) but not all firearms. This marks a general trend where courts uphold gun control measures that can be justified as an exercise of the police power. 

Legislation is not immediately compiled into the U.S. Code (this is done every five years). Instead of U.S. Code numbers, one can use Public Law numbers in many databases. For example the Brady Handgun Violence Control Act is Public Law 103-159 (sometimes abbreviated PL. 103-159). 

Cook, Philip J., and Jens Ludwig. Gun Violence The Real Costs. New York Oxford University Press, 2000. The authors, both public policy experts, painstakingly calculate the total economic impact of gun violence. They consider it to be a major public health problem that costs Americans about 100 billion a year, including both the direct costs of injury and the cost of increased security at airports and schools. However, the authors take a moderate stance on gun control, advocating registration of handguns and stricter enforcement and increased sentencing for gun-related crimes. 

Kovandzic, Tbmislav V., and Thomas B. Marvell. Right-to-Carry Concealed Handguns and Violent Crime Crime Control through Gun Decontrol Criminohg and Public Policy, vol. 2, July 2003, pp. 363-396. The authors were unahle to find a statistically significant correlation in 58 Florida counties from 1980 to 2000 between the number of concealed carry permits issued and a reduction in violent crime. 

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