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Democracy 19 ‘democratization

Since 1945, democracy has lost half of Europe and vast parts of Asia — largely through a defeatist approach. After all, we are only 150,000,000 people out of more than two billion living on this earth. For every American, there are a dozen non-Americans. We cannot dictate how the other people of the world shall live. They will leam to follow the democratic way only if we export deeds — not just money — which make our declaration of faith seem reasonably sincere. [Pg.362]

POL.6.1. Prigogine, Science, civilisation et democratic (Science, civilisation and democracy), 6-e Conference Parlem. Scientifique, Conseil de I Europe, Strasbourg, 1985. [Pg.65]

Menaker If you make a partial SCN lesion and leave 10% of the SCN behind, you get a pretty normal looking rhythm. This makes it surprising that you have this democratic interaction among all the mutant versus wild-type cells in the SCN. One would think that a subpopulation within that democracy would take over, since you only need 10% of the SCN for normal function. [Pg.182]

The defenders of democracy sit on the accuser s bench. When a democratic state takes upon itself the power to determine what the truth is, it is no longer a democracy , the attorney admonished the State Attorney and court. [Pg.366]

Anyone who denies the truth about the National Socialist extermination camps betrays the principles on which the Federal Republic of Germany was built. This state is supposed to be a valiant democracy that defends itself when anti-democrats try to subvert it, 174... [Pg.50]

C. Lahusen and R. Munch, Introduction Democratic Politics and Ecological Challenges, In Democracy at Work, A Comparative Sociology of Environmental Regulation in the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and the United States,... [Pg.296]

Studies of civil society in post-Soviet societies, as elsewhere, have been predicated on the proposition that civil society is a marker or manifestation of democracy rather than a quality of daily life that may take different forms in different societies. Hence the primary question posed by political scientists and development experts concerned with the nature of post-Soviet societies has typically focused on the question of whether countries like Russia possess anything approximating a civil society, and whether they can be classified as a democratic, or more typically democratizing, society. The presumed lack of a civil society, and by extension the absence of democracy, has been interpreted as a consequence of the controlling and monolithic nature of a Soviet state that did not allow independent and spontaneous civic associations to emerge (see critiques of these perspectives in Hann 1996 Hann and Dunn 1996 Wedel 1998). ... [Pg.134]

Luxemburg differed most sharply with Lenin in her relative faith in the autonomous creativity of the working class. Her optimism in Mass-Strike, Party, and Trade Unions" is partly due to the fact that it was written, unlike What Is to Be Done after the object lesson of worker militancy provided by the 1905 revolution. Luxemburg was especially struck by the massive response of the Warsaw proletariat to the revolution of 1905. On the other hand, Organizational Questions of Russian Social Democracy was written before the events of 1905 and in direct reply to What Is to Be Done This essay was a key text in the refusal of the Polish party to place itself under the central discipline of the Russian Social Democratic Party. [Pg.168]

Theodore M. Porter, Trust in Numbers The Pursuit of Objectivity in Science and Public Life (Princeton Princeton University Press, 1995), p. 22. Porter shows convincingly how "mechanical objectivity has served as a means for bureaucracies, especially in democracies where expert judgment and expertise are always suspected of masking self-serving motives, to create an impersonal set of decision rules at once seemingly democratic and neutral. [Pg.368]

Lest one imagine that the state coercion to be applied would be decided democratically by the proletariat or its representatives, Lenin makes it clear just after the revolution that, as Leszek Kolakowski puts it, "the point about the dictatorship of the proletariat... is the absolute power, constrained by no laws, based on sheer, direct violence. And he said that there would be no freedom and no democracy (those were his very words) until the complete victory of Communism all over the world ( A Calamitous Accident, Times Literary Supplement, November 6, 1992, p. 5). [Pg.391]

If the influence of democracy on religion is mediated by the compensation effect rather than the spillover effect (a type A mechanism), democratic societies will be religious. // the negative effect of democracy on desires (mediated by religion) is strong enough to offset the... [Pg.33]


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