Social Democrats

Naturally, such follies have a political background. At the level of the Swedish Parliament, the green block, consisting of the Environmental Party and the likewise environmentalist Center Party, exerts a substantial political influence. The Swedish Greens control a sufficient number of members of parliament that they can swing votes in favor either of the Social Democrats or the liberal/conservatives, endowing the Greens with clout out of all proportion to their numbers. 

Regional/local press Vasterbottens-Kuriren 6 days/week Social Democratic Liberal 38,000... 

Luxemburg differed most sharply with Lenin in her relative faith in the autonomous creativity of the working class. Her optimism in Mass-Strike, Party, and Trade Unions" is partly due to the fact that it was written, unlike What Is to Be Done after the object lesson of worker militancy provided by the 1905 revolution. Luxemburg was especially struck by the massive response of the Warsaw proletariat to the revolution of 1905. On the other hand, Organizational Questions of Russian Social Democracy was written before the events of 1905 and in direct reply to What Is to Be Done This essay was a key text in the refusal of the Polish party to place itself under the central discipline of the Russian Social Democratic Party. 

Ibid., p, 114. Lenin is here referring to the Social Democrats in Germany, whom he regards as far more advanced than their Russian counterparts. See also p. 116, where Lenin asserts, "No movement can be durable without a stable organization of leaders to maintain continuity. This issue was debated anew in practically every socialist movement. We see it in the writings of the Italian Communist... 

As an anecdotal illustration, due to Francis Seiersted. I nuy cite the fact that the Nor-we n Conservative Party fn 1961 understandably had little success when in oppoi itwi they adopted the slogan that the British Conservatives and later the Danish Social Democrats successfully used in pouvr "Makegood times better."... 

Seeking to rationalize the ensuing patchwork of regulations, both the governing Christian-Democratic Union (CDU) and opposition Social-Democratic Party (SPD) proposed federal drug laws in 1958.62 A parliamentary advisory... 

On November 9, 1918, Kaiser Wilhelm II abandoned his throne and went into exile. Friedrich Ebert, the leader of the Social Democratic Party, proclaimed the end of imperial Germany and the start of a new republic. On November 11, all sides signed an armistice, and the guns went quiet. A shell-shocked continent paused to consider its losses. 

On March 23, German democracy completed its capitulation. The parliament handed Hitler s government absolute power. Even the party that Fritz Haber had supported, the liberal Deutsche Stuatspartd, voted for the measure. Only the Social Democrats voted against it. Communist members of the Reichstag were prevented from voting because of unspecified security concerns. 

Moving towards activation was also part of the third way policies implemented mainly by reform-oriented Social Democratic governments in Europe, in particular in the UK, Germany and the Scandinavian countries in the second half of the 1990s, which, in turn, also inspired the formulation of the EES and the Lisbon agenda (Green-Pedersen et al. 2001 Giddens 1998). 

This sequence of rather harsh reforms that were perceived as a break with the traditional social policy approach to labour market problems provoked broad public unrest, which eventually resulted in a significant decline in political support for the Red-Green coalition, in particular the Social Democrats, the emergence of a new left-wing party and the electoral defeat of Red-Green in autumn 2005 (Eichhorst and Sesselmeier 2006)2. 

In a nutshell, the French activation strategy in a broad acceptance is a hybrid combination of five features, marrying different nordic social democratic and liberal influences with idiosyncratic national elements ... 

Recently in 2007 the current Christian- Social Democratic cabinet makes a subtle distinction between target groups. For some paid labour on the regular labour market is seen as no (longer) attainable and other activities can accomplish societal commitment and integration. New is that this it is recognized as a fact and also that work is not the only option for integration in society. 

At the end of the 1970s, unemployment and in particular youth unemployment was high and stable compared to levels before the oil crisis started in 1973. Many persons suffered long-term unemployment and were about to exhaust their maximum benefit period of two and a half years and thus lose rights to unemployment insurance. Therefore, in 1978 the Social Democratic-Liberal Coalition Government fostered an employment plan that intended to reduce youth unemployment and prevent unemployed from losing benefits. 

In the autumn of 1987, the Liberal Government approached the Social-Democratic Party to agree on changes in the labour market policies including the abolition of the benefit cuts for the very long-term unemployed introduced in 1985. 

As part of this agreement between the Government and the Social Democrats, the unemployed persons right to activation including education/training was improved. The LO (The Danish Federation of Trade Unions) had a direct influence on the design of the law through their close relationship with the Social Democratic Party while the DA (The Danish Employers Confederation) did not seem to be officially involved. 

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